A visit to the Holocaust Memorial/ Ymwelaid a chofeb Holocaust

By Nia Evans

Recently I visited Berlin for a weekend. Having spoken to a few friends I was advised that the Holocaust Memorial was a must visit. So on our first full day that’s where we headed, thinking we would spend an hour or so paying our respects  before leaving to explore the city further.

I can’t begin to express how much this memorial touched me, by the time we left it was dusk, having spent the whole day at the site. Time stood still as we were taken on a step by step journey following the stories of families across Germany and Poland.

The memorial is situated between Brandenburg Gate and Potsdamer Platz, I must admit, I wasn’t sure what to expect as we turned the corner and saw the ‘Field of Stelae’ in front of us. Designed by Peter Eisenman and situated above the subterranean Information Centre, we saw in front of us a vast collection of what is described as concrete slabs (stelae) which have been placed in a form of grid on uneven, sloping ground.

We were able to access the ‘field’ from four sides and walk in-between the around 2,700 concrete structures. The wave like form of the ground in which they stand means that each steale is of different height and from the outside it seemed that the structures were sloping upwards.  In walking between them however, it became obvious that the ground sinks down in the centre, as you walk further into the centre the increasing hue of the concrete blocks creates a feeling of being claustrophobic of suffocating and of isolation. This was incredibly effective.

Having spent time taking in the field of Stelae, we decided to enter the memorial itself, which is situated underground beneath the field.

Starting at the beginning of the exhibition with Hitler’s rise to power we were given an insightful context as to how  Nazism started, progressed and escalated. This included learning about the political and social climate of the time. As we moved forwards in the timeline, there seemed to be an obvious shift from setting the scene to focusing on the stories of the people targeted for persecution. We were guided through a section which included letters written by individuals, some were of hope that things would improve, others, even by children, were that of acceptance of their imminent death. One example that comes to mind is that of a postcard which was thrown out of a train carriage on the way to a death camp, expressing final goodbyes to loved ones, the author clearly knowing what was waiting for them. Someone had found the postcard and had posted it onwards.

We were introduced to families, learning about their lives before the war, and learning about their fate afterwards. This made the whole experience more personal, especially by the fact that the main element of each family section was that of a photo of the whole family together. Usually a large family, which records show were then decimated and the few remaining survivors separated and scattered away from their home to different areas of he world.

By the end, I felt like I couldn’t take any more in: the scale of personal stories, of testimonials, of suffering was almost too much to fully comprehend. One of the last rooms in the exhibition contained a large map of Europe highlighting each location and camp where exterminations took place. There seemed to be no country which wasn’t used to play a part in the persecution of the Jewish community. The organisation and structure in carrying out such horror absolutely astounded me.

As we were making our way to leave, I heard a female voice talking in one of the rooms. We stepped inside and realised that a video was playing of an interview with a woman who had featured in one of the family portraits as a young girl earlier in the memorial. I remembered from having read about the family that she had managed to survive the holocaust, the only member of the close family to do so. The name of this woman was Sabina van der Linden-Wolanski. In just popping into the room to see who was talking, we continued to wait and listen to the interview, five minutes passed, then ten and before we knew it, over an hour had past in hearing about the life of this woman and the writing of her biography Destined to live. It was such a powerful account of her life, it really was capitvating.  Her personal story of survival allowed the journey through the memorial to finish on a thought inspiring note.

In the future, I potentially won’t remember many facts or figures. It is the gut wrenching feeling of the scale and reading personal stories which will stay with me.

Of course, we only learnt about a handful of families and individuals. Some millions of stories will never be heard. This was murder on an industrial scale. I find, still, that the scale of such an attrocity incomprehensible. It all started with one person rising in power. In having attended, I have been left with a much better understanding of what exactly happened to lead to this horror during WW2. In increasing my understanding I have been left with a real determination to work for peace and to ensure that the world that I live in now is a world based on unity, happiness without any form of discrimination.

Es i am benwythnos i Berlin yn ddiweddar. Wrth drafod lle i fynd a pha atyniadau i’w gweld, soniodd sawl ffrind y dylai’r gofeb Holocost fod ar flaen y rhestr. Ar y diwrnod llawn cyntaf felly, dyna lle’r aethon ni, gyda’r bwriad o dreulio tua awr neu ddwy  yn talu teyrnged cyn gadael ac archwilio’r ddinas yn bellach.

Anodd iawn yw esbonio gymaint yr effeithiodd mynychu’r gofeb a’r arddangosfa arnaf i, erbyn gadael roedd hi wedi cychwyn nosi, ar ôl i ni dreulio diwrnod cyfan yno. Arhosodd amser yn ei unfan wrth i ni gael ein cymryd ar daith yn dilyn storiâu teuluoedd wedi eu lleoli ar hyd a lled yr Almaen a Gwlad Pwyl.

Mae’r gofeb ei hun wedi cael ei leoli rhwng gât Branderburg a Potsdamer Platz. Rhaid cyfaddef, doeddwn i ddim yn hollol siwr beth i’w ddisgwyl wrth gerdded at y safle, ond cyn pen dim dyna lle’r oedden ni, gyda’r ‘Field of stelae’ o’n blaenau ni. Maent yn cael eu disgrifio fel casgliad o ‘slabiau concrit’ sydd wedi cael eu gosod mewn grid anwastad. Peter Eisenmen sydd yn gyfrifol am ddylunio’r ardal, sydd wedi ei leoli uwchben y ganolfan wybodaeth danddaearol.

Mae pedwar mynediad i’r safle, un o bob ochr. Roedd modd i ni gerdded o gwmpas a rhwng yr o ddeutu 2,700 o strwythurau concrit. Roedd arddull anwastad y ddaear yn golygu bod pob strwythur yn ymddangos fel eu bod o faint gwahanol. Ar yr edrychiad cyntaf, roedd y ddaear yn ymddangos fel tonnau, fodd bynnag, wrth gerdded rhwng pob strwythur daeth i’r amlwg bod y llawr ar raddiant gyda’r pwynt dyfnaf yn y canol. Wrth gyrraedd at y pwynt hynny doeddwn i methu help a theimlo fel fy mod, bron iawn, yn mygu, o fod yn glawstroffobig ac yn unig.

Ar ôl treulio amser yn crwydro’r ardal yma, gwnaethom benderfynu mynd dan ddaear i’r arddangosfa ei hun.

Dyma gychwyn yr arddangosfa gyda hanes cynnydd pŵer Hitler, rhoddwyd cyd-destun craff ynglŷn â sut y dechreuodd, datblygodd a fwy na dim, sut y gwnaeth Natsïaeth ddwysau. Roedd hyn yn cynnwys dysgu am hinsawdd wleidyddol a chymdeithasol y cyfnod. Wrth symud ar hyd y llinell amser, gwelwyd newid amlwg wrth i’r ffocws symud o osod manylion cefndirol i rannu storiâu am y rheiny oedd yn cael eu herlyn. Mewn un ystafell roedd arddangosfa o lythyrau oedd wedi cael eu hysgrifennu yn ystod y cyfnod, roedd rhai yn negeseuon gobaith, eraill, hyd yn oed gan blant, yn amlwg dderbyn eu ffawd. Mae un enghraifft yn dod i’r meddwl lle’r oedd cerdyn post wedi cael ei daflu o drên oedd yn trafaelio at un o’r gwersylloedd marwolaeth, roedd y neges yn neges oedd yn ffarwelio gyda chyfoedion agos, roedd yr awdures yn amlwg wybod beth oedd o’i blaen. Roedd rhywun wedi dod o hyd i’r cerdyn post ac wedi ei bostio.

Cawsom ein cyflwyno i deuluoedd, gan ddysgu am eu bywydau cyn y rhyfel, a’u ffawd ar ei ôl. O ganlyniad, roedd y profiad cyfan yn un fwy personol, yn enwedig gan fod darlun o bob teulu yn hongian o’r tô. Mae cofnodion yn dangos bod teuluoedd cyfan, ac mi roedden nhw’n deuluoedd mawr, wedi eu chwalu, gyda’r ychydig rai oroesodd wedi cael eu gwahanu a’u gwasgaru ar draws y byd.

Erbyn y diwedd, doeddwn i ddim yn teimlo bod modd i fi weld na chlywed mwy o’r storiâu. Roedd lefel y dioddefaint, y storiâu personol ar tystebau yn ormod bron iawn i’w hamgyffred yn llawn. Yn un o’r ystafelloedd olaf roedd map o Ewrop, roedd y map yn dangos lleoliad pob gwersyll gan gynnwys lleoliad pob distryw. O edrych ar y map, roedd hi’n amlwg bod pob gwlad rhywsut wedi chwarae rhan yn erlyn y gymdeithas Iddewig. Heb os, ges i fy syfrdanu gyda lefel y trefnu a strwythur cyflawni’r  hunllef yma.

Wrth baratoi i adael, clywais lais dynes yn siarad yn un o’r ystafelloedd. Wrth gamu i mewn i’r ystafell, sylweddolais mai fideo oedd yn cael ei chwarae o gyfweliad dynes oedd yn aelod o deulu oedd wedi cael eu portreadu yn gynharach yn yr arddangosfa. Cofiais mai hi oedd yr unig aelod o’i theulu agosaf  oedd wedi goroesi’r holocost. Enw’r ddynes yma oedd Sabina van der Linden-Wolanski. O fod wedi picied i mewn i’r ystafell i fusnesu a gweld pwy oedd yn siarad, gwnaethom benderfynu aros a gwrando am gyfnod, pasiodd pum munud, pasiodd deg munud a chyn pen dim roedd dros awr wedi pasio wrth i ni sefyll yn dysgu am fywyd y ddynes anhygoel yma ac am ei phrofiad yn ysgrifennu ei bywgraffiad ‘Destined to Live’. Dyma gofnod pwerus o fywyd unigolyn  oedd wedi byw trwy gyfnod yr Holocost. O ganlyniad, daeth ein taith yn yr arddangosfa i ben ar nodyn ysbrydoledig.

Yn y dyfodol, mae’n bosibl iawn na fyddai’n cofio llawer o’r ffeithiau neu ffigyrau. Yn sicr, bydd y  teimlad trwm yn fy stumog ac emosiwn dysgu am hunllefau’r cyfnod yn aros gyda fi am gyfnod hir.

Yn naturiol, dim ond dysgu am fywyd llond llaw o deuluoedd ac unigolion y gwnaethom ni yn yr arddangosfa. Mae miliynau o storiâu na fydd byth modd i ni eu clywed. Dyma lofruddiaeth ar lefel anferthol. Hyd heddiw, dwi’n ei chael hi’n anodd dirnad maint yr erchyllterau. A’i gychwyn, gydag un person yn codi i bŵer ac yn defnyddio’r pŵer hynny i ddylanwadu ar y bobl o’i gwmpas. Mae gen i well dealltwriaeth erbyn hyn o’r hyn ddigwyddodd i arwain at yr erchyllterau yn ystod yr ail ryfel byd. O gynyddu ar fy nealltwriaeth dwi’n benderfynol o weithio at heddwch er mwyn sicrhau bod fy myd yn un sydd wedi cael ei seilio ar undod ac o hapusrwydd heb unrhyw fath o wahaniaethu.

 

Albert E Rudall

By Seren O’Brian

Albert Rudall is the only Newport man mentioned on a commemorative stone in Tavistock Square, London, which records the names of the 69 Conscientious Objectors who died as a result of mistreatment during the First World War.

Albert was born in late autumn 1887 and christened in St Mark’s Anglican Church, Newport on the 2 November. He is mentioned in two censuses; in 1901 he was living at 145 Shaftesbury Street with his parents Tom and Emma, his older brother Thomas and his younger sister Rose, and in 1911 he was living in 25 Wheeler Street, Newport with his parents, and sister. By this stage, Albert was already working as a brewer’s labourer. Otherwise we know that he was one of eight children, of whom five were still alive, and his family was English speaking.

Albert was a member of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF) both of which were opposed to war.  As a single man aged 28 he was one of the first to be called up under the Military Service Act which came into force on the 2 March 1916.  He refused to serve and was arrested as an absentee on the 30 April 1916, tried on the 1 May by Newport Magistrates, was fined 40 shillings and handed over to the military authorities. His case was refused by the Military Service Tribunal in Newport and the County Appeals Tribunal so he was drafted into the Royal Welch Fusiliers in Cardiff where yet again he refused to obey military orders.

The No-Conscription Fellowship kept records of what happened to every member and published information in sympathetic newspapers such as the Pioneer. On the 20 May 1916 we can read a report from Emrys Hughes, himself a member of the NCF:

South Wales Conscientious Objectors. THEIR POSITION UNDER THE MILITARY NOTE FROM EMRYS HUGHES.

The following summary of the South Wales Conscientious Objectors has been prepared by the Wales Division of the N.C.F. for us, and is complete up to the 10th inst. We have had a letter card this week from Hughes, in which he mentions that […]  G. Dardis, C. James, R. James, E. James (Risca); P. Pope, A. Rudall, A. J. Hewinson, H J. Davies, B. G. Davies D Herbert (Newport); I. Shepherd, J. Shepherd, and W. Jones (Pontypridd); [were] transferred 10/5/16 from Garrison Artillery Barracks, Cardiff, to Kinmel Park Camp, Abergele..

In Kinmel Park, which is situated near Rhyl, Albert was brought before yet another court martial on the 25 May and sentenced to 2 years imprisonment with hard labour, commuted to 112 days with hard labour. The Pioneer picks up the story on the 10 June 1916:

NINE SOUTH WALIANS SENT TO WORMWOOD SCRUBBS. Comrades Percy Pope, Albert Rudall, Arthur J. Hewinson, G. Reynolds, Dorian Herbert, J. H. Davies, Trevor C. Griffiths (all of the Newport Independent Labour Party and No- Conscription Fellowship Branches), Joseph Shepherd (Pontypridd), and W. T. Jones (Treforest) were on Friday removed from Kinmel Park to Wormwood Scrubbs to commence their period of two years’ hard labour for “disobeying in such a manner as to show willful defiance of authority a lawful command given personally by his superior officer in the execution of his office.”

Once prisoners arrived at Wormwood Scrubbs they were allowed to send an “official letter” to their families. The whole form was printed, and all that had to be filled in by the prisoner was their state of health, and how long it would be before they were allowed to write another letter home. We don’t know just what Albert wrote but one of his fellow Newport prisoners is quoted by the Pioneer:

In this case the words, “My sentence is two years,” were added in writing: H.M. Prison, Wormwood Scrubbs, June 3rd, 1916. Dear Father, I am now in this prison, and am in usual health. If I behave well I shall be allowed to write a letter about 7 weeks time and to receive a reply, but no reply is allowed to this. My sentence is two years.  Signature, ARTHUR HEWINSON.

After two months Albert went before the central tribunal at Wormwood Scrubbs and finally was accepted as a ‘Class A’ i.e. a genuine conscientious objector. Under the auspices of the Home Office Scheme he was found ‘Work of National Importance’ mending roads at Clare in West Suffolk.

The Pearce Register doesn’t tell us any more about Albert’s war service but just one month before the end of the war he sadly died as a result of his poor treatment as a conscientious objector. On the 19 October 1918 the Pioneer reports:

In Memoriam. DEATH OF ALBERT RUDALL, C.O. We regret to announce the death of Albert E Rudall, of Newport, Mon. Comrade Rudall was an old I.L.P.er, and one of the original C.O.’s to be arrested under the Military Service Act. After his imprisonment he was released on to the Home Office Scheme and worked at Keddington, Warwick and Dartmoor.

A short while ago he was allowed to proceed home to find work under the H.O. new scheme of Exceptional Employment and, owing to the time-limit imposed in such cases, was compelled to undertake work for which he was entirely unsuited. The result is he has left us for good. His Newport comrades are filled with grief at the loss of so sincere, unassuming, but enthusiastic a supporter of freedom and international brotherhood – a grief which we feel sure will he reflected throughout the whole C.O. movement.

The Shepherd Family of Ystalyfera and Pontypridd in the First World War

By Maggie

Tevia Rudinsky left behind his wife and baby son in Siemiatycze in Russian Poland when he fled to Britain to escape conscription into the Tsarist army in 1877, at the start of the Russo-Turkish war.

Conscription in 19th century Russia was particularly severe – men could be conscripted for 25 years and Jews were explicitly singled out for harsh treatment with boys as young as 12 potentially liable for military service.  Forced conversion was not unusual. Such historic memories, and the fact that Russia not Germany was associated with the most brutal manifestations of anti-Semitism in the years leading up to the First World War, had a considerable influence on the often hostile attitude of Jews of Russian origin to the idea of compulsory service in the British Army.By 1916, when conscription was first introduced, Tevia Rudinsky, now aged 60, and having meanwhile changed his name to Tobias Shepherd and taken on British nationality, was living in Cambria Villa, 3 Tyfica Road in Pontypridd with his wife and his British-born younger children. He owned a successful shop selling glass, paper and decorating materials in Ystalyfera in the Upper Swansea valley.  Three of his younger sons were liable for conscription and all three became conscientious objectors, as did his daughter, the author Lily Tobias.

The Conscientious Objectors

Isaac Shepherd- the oldest of the three young men, was 24 in 1916, and working as a decorator. He was an active member of the No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF).  However, the Conscientious Objector’s Register notes that his main motivation for his decision to resist conscription was his Jewish faith.

On 2 May 1916, Isaac was arrested in Pontypridd with his brother Joseph, tried in the Magistrates’ Court, fined 40/- (£2) and handed over to be taken to the recruiting office in Cardiff.  He was held in Garrison Artillery Barracks in Dumfries Place and then transferred on 10 May to Kinmel Park Camp, Abergele, near Rhyl.

On 31 May 1916, Isaac was sentenced by a court martial at Kinmel Park to 2 years’ hard labour.  He was held in Walton Prison in Liverpool from 9 June until 1 September 1916.  He was then released on leave pending instructions about his Home Office Scheme placement under the Brace Committee.  In comparison to his brothers, Isaac seems thereafter to have been given a relatively easy time by the authorities.  Llais Llafur, the local radical socialist newspaper in Ystalyfera, reported on 30 September 1916:

“As announced in our column last week, Mr Isaac Shepherd… has been released from prison where he has served time as a conscientious objector.  He has now returned to his home at Ystalyfera and will manage the business at the Wern paper stores”.

Isaac was officially transferred to the army reserve class on 20 December 1916.

Solomon Shepherd was 20 in 1916 and working as a wallpaper and glass salesman in the family firm. He was brought before the Military Service Tribunal in Pontardawe on 28 April 1916 where his claim, based on his Jewish faith and ILP and NCF membership, was dismissed.  A county appeal in May 1916 was similarly dismissed and the following month he was arrested, tried in Swansea Police Court on 21 June 1916, fined 40/- (£2) and handed over to the military authorities.

On 1 July 1916 The Herald of Wales & Monmouthshire Recorder reported his trial thus:

Solomon Shepherd, of Ystalyfera, who was arrested at Ystalyfera by P.C. Cook, was charged with being an absentee under the Military Service Act. When the charge was read to him, he replied, “I object on principle.” The police officer produced two circulars found on defendant, and handed them to the magistrates. Major Jessel said defendant had been notified three times – on May 8, June 1, and on June 10 a reminder to report himself in 24 hours. He had taken no notice. He said he did not intend to serve. He had caused trouble. Defendant: I’ve caused no trouble. Major Jessel: It has been reported to me that you have. Mr. J. H. Rosser: If you don’t obey orders you get into trouble. Defendant: I object to it. Mr. Rosser: A great many object to it – shirkers like yourself. Defendant: I am no shirker. If others had done their duty I would not be where I am now. Mr. Rosser: You will pay 40s. and be handed over to the military. You must do your duty and not try to get out of it.

Solomon was held for a couple of weeks in Cardiff Barracks and then at a court martial on 14 July 1916 was sentenced to 112 days’ hard labour.  After serving his time in Cardiff Prison he was released on 13 October 1916 to the Home Office Scheme.

The high number of conscientious objectors held in prison and scandals arising from the harsh treatment of some COs had led to a government decision to provide an alternative for “absolutists” who refused not only to obey military orders but also to undertake any war-related work. The Brace Committee, named after the eponymous Home Office Under Secretary of State, organised work of ‘national importance’ for men whom a central tribunal found to have a ‘genuine’ conscientious objection.  These work schemes were often poorly organised, with the men living in appalling conditions that amounted to imprisonment and punishment by another name.

Under the Home Office Scheme, Solomon was sent to work at waterworks near Llangadog in Carmarthenshire.  Here his health broke down and he went home to see his doctor.  On 6 January 1917, Llais Llafur reported:

Mr Solomon Shepherd, of the Wern paper stores, who has served four months in a civil prison as a conscientious objector, was home during the early part of the week. He has now accepted alternative service, and is engaged on the Llyn-y-Fan water works. The camp, at which about 80 conscientious objectors are employed, is about a nine mile tramp from the nearest station, Llangadock. 

Solomon was recalled to his unit on 21 January 1917.  He must have ignored the summons as he was arrested again on 23 February 1917.  At a court martial on 24 April 1917 at Kinmel Park Camp near Rhyl he was sentenced to 2 years’ hard labour.

Joseph, the youngest of the three brothers, was an academic high achiever who entered Cardiff University in October 1915 with a John Cory Scholarship worth £25 a year and a Glamorgan Exhibition worth £40 a year. He was arrested in Pontypridd with his brother Isaac on 2 May 1915.  Llais Llafur reported on 6 May 2016:

Isaac Shephard (23) and Joseph Shephard (19), Pontypridd (late of Ystalyfera) were charged at Pontypridd on Tuesday with being absentees under the Military Service Act. Both pleaded not guilty and asked for a remand. Isaac said that he wanted to obtain legal advice, while the younger defendant stated that he held a four years’ scholarship at the University College, Cardiff, and wished to consult the Principal and the Registrar. They were each fined 40s. and ordered to await an escort.

After being held in Garrison Artillery Barracks in Dumfries Place in Cardiff, Joseph was transferred on 10 May 1916 to Kinmel Park Camp. From here, next day, he wrote a letter on behalf of himself and his brother, appealing for help, particularly with respect to the provision of kosher food.

My brother Isaac and I are being kept in the above hut owing to our conscientious objection to all forms – combatant and non-combatant – of military service.  We are the sons of extremely orthodox Jewish parents. Our upbringing has always tended to uncompromising hostility to military service, and we intend, Sir, to be faithful to the Jewish atmosphere which we have always breathed.

After describing their arrest and sentencing in Pontypridd, the letter continues:

The armed escort […] took us to Castle Arcade Recruiting Office, Cardiff. Here in addition to the jeers and abuse that always assail the conscientious objector, we had sneers and threats of a very anti-semitic flavour. Despite all attempts at intimidation (threats to be shot, tortured etc.) we refused to sign anything or be medically examined.

During their nine days of incarceration in the Dumfries Place barracks:

[…] we had no complaints to make about our treatment or our food. We expected to suffer hardship and we must not complain whilst suffering it.  At Cardiff our friends and relatives kept us well supplied with food, a hot kosher dinner being sent in every day. Here we don’t know what to do about dinner; we shall probably have to go without any unless arrangements can be made with the commanding officer […]

 At a court martial in Kinmel Park on 25 May 1916, Joseph was sentenced him to 2 years’ hard labour in Wormwood Scrubs. Alongside his Jewish faith, he also emphasised ILP and NCF membership as his motivation for refusing military service.

The Merthyr Pioneer reported on 10 June 1916 that nine South Walians had been sent from Kinmel Park to Wormwood Scrubs on the same day.

Comrades Percy Pope, Albert Rudall, Arthur J. Hewinson, G. Reynolds, Dorian Herbert, J. H. Davies, Trevor C. Griffiths (all of Newport ILP and NCF Branches), Joseph Shepherd (Pontypridd), and W. T. Jones (Treforest) were on Friday removed from Kinmel Park to Wormwood Scrubbs (sic) to commence their period of two years’ hard labour for “disobeying in such a manner as to show wilful defiance of authority a lawful command given personally by his superior officer in the execution of his office.”

Joseph’s case was eventually reviewed by tribunal on 1 September 1916 and he was released to the Home Office Scheme, which in his case took the form of road mending at Clare in West Suffolk.

The Reluctant Soldiers

Meanwhile Tobias Shepherd’s older sons Moses and Barnet followed a rather different path in their attempts to avoid conscription.  Both had been born in Russia, Moses/Moshe, also known as Moss, in 1877 and Barnet in 1884.  They were not included in Tobias’ British citizenship application in 1904, so technically were ‘aliens’.

When conscription was introduced in 1916 the question arose of what to do with ‘friendly aliens’, especially Russian Jews of military age.  It was first agreed that they would be allowed to join the British Army voluntarily; their failure to do so in any great numbers led to a decision in June 1916, finally implemented in summer 1917, to conscript them on the same terms as British citizens or offer them the chance to return to Russia and join the army there.

Barnet seems to have been first conscripted in 1917 and attempted an appeal on the grounds that he had people dependent on him who would not be able to maintain themselves if he were forced to enlist in the army.  On 12 July 1917, the Amman Valley Chronicle and East Carmarthen News reported a second unsuccessful tribunal hearing.

A meeting of the Carmarthenshire Appeals Tribunal was held at Llandilo (sic) on Thursday… Barnet Shepherd, 24, College Street, Ammanford, came up for a re-hearing, supported by Mr. E. Harries, solicitor, Swansea, who said one of the grounds of application, that he was a Russian subject, would not be gone into, as it was laid down that had nothing to do with the Tribunal.

The Clerk said the applicant was 34 years of age, and Class A. The application was dismissed at the first hearing, and a re- hearing granted.’ He claimed in the first instance that he was not liable for military service, being a Russian subject; secondly, he had a wife and five children, the eldest being nine years old. He had been in his present business twelve years, and had a large stock worth £12,000, which would take a considerable time to dispose of… He was only left himself in the business, and it would be impossible for his wife, being ill, or anyone else to manage the business. […] He was practically the only glazier left in the district. He formerly employed five men, and all were in the Army except one. Three of them were glaziers, and he did the glazing now, besides carrying on the shop. His wife was in a delicate condition of health, and had been suffering for two or three years past. If he were called away his business would have to be closed down, and it would not be possible to re-build it after he came back from the Army. He claimed that this was a case within the decision of the Central Tribunal, being a one-man business, and it was a case of serious domestic hardship. […] 

The appeal was dismissed, applicant not to be called up for a month. 

Barnet did then join the army but at some point, probably after the end of the war, he deserted.  On 21 February 1919 the Carmarthen Journal and South Wales Weekly Advertiser reported:

Bertha Shepherd, wife of Pte. Barnet Shepherd, formerly in business in College Street, Ammanford, was charged under D.O.R.A. (Defence of the Realm Act) with withholding information as to the whereabouts of her husband, who is a deserter from the forces; and further with being an alien she changed her residence without giving notice to the registration officer […] Inspector Davies gave evidence and stated that defendant was a Russian subject. Cross-examined he had nothing direct to prove that the wife’s statements were incorrect. Re-examined he understood from her that she was in touch with her husband. Mr. Griffith, addressing the Bench, said the husband was a Welsh-speaking Jew, while the defendant came from some part of Germany or Russia, and had no friends here, and was not conversant with British law. The Bench found the defendant guilty of a technical offence in changing her residence without notification, and she would be fined the costs, with half-a-guinea advocate’s fee. As regards withholding information there was not sufficient evidence to justify a fine.

Moses/Moshe/Moss Shepherd was also called up in 1917 and again tried to avoid military service, in his case (falsely) on grounds of age.  On 20 April 1918, the Herald of Wales and Monmouthshire Recorder noted:

On 26 January of this year Alfred Moses Shepherd (sic), of Grove Place, Swansea, described as a Russian subject, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment at Swansea Police Court for making a false declaration in order to evade military service. Shepherd appealed against this sentence, and the appeal came on for hearing before the Recorder at the Swansea Quarter Sessions on Thursday.

Mr. Marlay Samson […] for the respondents […] dealt with the various sections of the Military Service Act. When war broke out Shepherd registered as an alien (Russian), and later in 1917 a Proclamation was made by the King calling upon all Russians of military age to join the Colours. These men could either return to Russia for that purpose or remain in this country and join the British Army. Shepherd, on registering in 1914, had said he was born in January 1879, but on his form of appeal for exemption sent to the Tribunal he said he was 44.  In view of that fact (the army) did not oppose the application, and the Tribunal decided that as he was 44 he was ineligible.

Enquiries were (later) instituted and proceedings were taken as the result of which Shepherd was convicted and sentenced. Evidence was then called. Mr. Llewelyn Williams submitted that when Shepherd stated his age to be 44, any doubt cast on that was a matter for a Court of Summary Jurisdiction to decide. The man had not been called before the Tribunal, and in any case the Tribunal could not decide the question of age. Shepherd adhered today to his statement that he was 44.

The Recorder upheld the conviction, but reduced the sentence from six months to one month.

After serving his sentence, Moses joined the army, serving latterly in the 9th Labour Battalion, which was formed in April 1918 from non-naturalised Russians domiciled in UK.  By that stage, following the October Revolution, Russia was out of the war and considered to be an enemy power. As a result the Russians were kept segregated; probably for fear that they might spread the revolution to Great Britain, with the 9th Battalion being stationed at Fort Scoveston, near Neyland in Pembrokeshire.

Like his younger brother Barnet, Moses also deserted at the end of the war.  On 4 January 1919 Llais Llafur reported:

At Swansea on Monday, Mrs Fanny Shepherd (35) of Grove Place, Swansea, was charged with withholding information in her possession which might reasonably be required to furnish particulars concerning Pte. Moses Alfred Shepherd, “he being a deserter from the Russian Labour Company at Fort Scoveston”, from Detective-Sergt. Gubb on 28 November. Defendant refused to inform Detective-Sergt. Gubb of the whereabouts of her husband, Pte. Moses A. Shepherd. Mr. Edward Harris, for the defence submitted that defendant did not know where her husband was, and that she only had a vague idea of the town in which he was staying. She had stated to the detective, when asked, that she would make inquiries. Pte. Shepherd was granted special Jewish leave in September last, and had never returned. A fine of 40/- was imposed.

The Author

Lily Tobias (née Shepherd) was Tobias Shepherd’s oldest daughter and his first child to be born in Wales. Lily was a committed socialist and began to write short pieces for the influential local socialist newspaper, Llais Llafur, in 1904 when she was in her late teens. She and her sister Kate (mother of the poet Dannie Abse) were both active supporters of the Independent Labour Party.  With her husband Philip (they married in 1911) she was also very involved in the Jewish literary and debating society movement in South Wales.

As a political activist and a writer, Lily fought for female suffrage, the rights of working people and a Jewish national homeland in Palestine.  She, like her younger brother Joseph in particular, held a strong socialist pacifist belief that the First World War was being fought for imperialist interests against the interests of the workers.  Fenner Brockway, editor of the Labour Elector (the newspaper of the ILP) and co-founder of the No-Conscription Fellowship, knew her well. He remembered her in conversation with Leo Abse as “an active and belligerent pacifist… showing great resourcefulness and courage in defying the authorities and assisting draft dodgers, and those in prison”.

Lily’s second novel Eunice Fleet drew on her brothers’ experiences as conscientious objectors to draw a picture of a middle-aged  businesswoman trying to live with the negative reactions of herself and others to her late husband’s stand as a conscientious objector in the First World War.  First published in 1933, it was considered radical at the time, making the suffering of pacifists, rather than the suffering of soldiers, its central concern.

Sources

Details of the tribunals and sentences of the three younger Shepherd brothers are taken from the Conscientious Objector Register to be found at https://livesofthefirstworldwar.org/

All newspaper sources quoted can be found in the National Library of Wales digitised database http://newspapers.library.wales/home

Information about Lily Tobias, as well as Joseph Shepherd’s letter to his family from May 1916, is taken from Jasmine Donahaye: The Greatest Need: the creative life and troubled times of Lily Tobias, a Welsh Jew in Palestine  (Honno, Dinas Powys, 2015).

The story of E. P. Jones, Pontypridd

By Aled Eurig 

From a Pontypridd family, E.P. Jones objected to war on religious grounds. As a Christian, he believed that war of any kind was wrong, and that no-one had the right to kill their fellow human beings just because they were of a different nationality, or because your government told you to do so. He belonged to the No-Conscription Fellowship (an organisation that encouraged men to refuse war service) and the Fellowship of Reconciliation (a peace group) – but stressed that his stance as a conscientious objector was taken as an individual.

After refusing to serve (in 1915, at the age of 25) E.P. Jones’ story follows a pattern that was typical of conscientious objectors in World War 1: they would appear before a tribunal, then be sent to prison when they refused to serve, then back in front of a tribunal, and back to prison. This was called the ‘cat and mouse’ treatment. He served terms in Caernarfon, Wormwood Scrubs and Walton (Liverpool).

Eventually E.P. Jones was released to do ‘work of national importance’. This involved building a reservoir above the village of Llannon (Carmarthenshire). The work camp was in a very remote location, and the Llanelly Chronicle reported that the men spent their time ‘up on the bleak top of the hill’. E.P. Jones himself described the work as hard, fit for a ‘qualified navvy’. Some of the camp guards were cruel and unjust: one objector, Frank Davenport, was sent back to prison for refusing to go to work in a snowstorm, whilst another fled back to prison because of the ‘callous neglect’ he had suffered in the camp.

This contrasted sharply to the welcome that the COs received from the local community. In the words of E. P. Jones:

The Tumble was special like that. You would go for tea with them on Sunday, and everyone, every denomination, was kind with everything; they let us borrow books from the library. You could not get more kindness.”

Once a month E.P. Jones was allowed home for the weekend. He was disappointed by the way he was treated by the ‘important people’ (the elders and the deacons) in his chapel: they were very cold towards him, some refused to look at him or speak to him.

A week as Caernarfon Poppies Volunteers

img_0101By Megan & Dani

A week of volunteering as a Poppy Ambassadors at Caernarfon Castle was a brilliant choice for us as it appeared to offer a range of opportunities, not only in allowing us to gain experience that will aid us in the world of work, but also facilitated us in completing a part of our gold Duke of Edinburgh award.

Conversing with such a diverse group of volunteers has provided us with a real insight into what the installation evokes within each individual; whether it acts as an artistic muse or as a commemorative exhibition (especially poignant with regards to the centenary of the First World War).

We first read about the poppies’ move to Caernarfon in our local newspaper and this sounded like something both of us would be motivated to get involved with, especially as we are both currently studying A-Level history and are considering taking this to degree level.  We believe that it is important for people of all ages to be involved with history and to remember and reflect upon our past, as well as learn from it – particularly in lieu of recent world events such as the American presidential election and the Syrian refugee crisis.

A highlight of our volunteering has most definitely been a guided tour of the exhibition with a group of blind veterans as The Last Post was played.

A Personal Reflection on Loss and Connection post-Brexit

Wendy Tapper, Bridgend

It seems deeply ironic and, to many of us, achingly sad that we are willing to turn away from our European neighbours just as we commemorate the centenary of the battles of the Somme, Mametz Wood, and all our shared experience of the horrors of war. At such times I remember being told stories about my great uncle – the baby of his family, the only boy in a houseful of big sisters – who was interned in a German prisoner-of-war camp in northern France towards the end of the Great War. After the Armistice of 1918, his family waited in vain for his return and neither the British military authorities nor his old comrades could account for his disappearance. At length they, a south Wales miner’s family, wrote to the German authorities for help and got a courteous and kind response. Their boy had been one of thousands of victims of the influenza epidemic that rolled across the devastated continent and he had died in the camp.

Our great uncle remained vivid in our family memory; we have picture postcards he sent home from France and my mother, who died just a few years ago, would recall her childhood adoration of a lively and indulgent young uncle. Decades later a relative traced his grave – not in one of the great memorial sites but in the communal cemetery of a small French town. There, records show that allied soldiers of several nationalities were buried alongside German soldiers, Chinese labourers, and a solitary Russian. They had all suffered and died far from home and the people who loved them.

Now, a century after the carnage of the Somme, my family – like so many others – reflects a more peaceful Europe, a more inter-connected world. We have spun outwards from that Welsh mining village. I have French and German grandchildren and through their heritage I connect with families whose memories are of living under tyranny and foreign occupation. The stories of my new, wider family include: migration to escape poverty and discrimination; the experience of living in caves and foraging for food in Italy as one of the most terrible battles of World War II raged overhead; flight across Germany in 1945 ahead of the advancing Soviet army; and the desperate journey of ‘boat people’ from communist China. They are all our family, our people; their histories have melded with ours to become our common story.

Greenham Common; a significant protest seldom acknowledged

By Lydia Edwards

Greenham Common could have been an insignificant point in Berkshire if it were not for the Greenham Common Women’s peace camp that was established in 1981 to protest against nuclear weapons being sited at the RAF base.

Source: Welling, C. (2016). Towing friends Greenham Common. [online] Carywelling.co.uk. Available at: http://www.carywelling.co.uk/towingfriendsgre.html [Accessed 21 Jul. 2016].

Source: Welling, C. (2016). Towing friends Greenham Common. [online] Carywelling.co.uk. Available at: http://www.carywelling.co.uk/towingfriendsgre.html [Accessed 21 Jul. 2016].

In 1979, NATO decided the airbase located on the common was to be used as the site for the deployment of American cruise missiles, the missiles would arrive at Greenham in 1983. However even before the arrival of the nuclear weapons a remarkable protest had gathered with the notorious women’s peace camp at its center.

The camps origins began in a march organized from Cardiff to Greenham Common under the banner of “Women for Life on Earth”[1]. The march left Cardiff on the 27th of August 1981 and arrived at Greenham on the 5th of September. The original 36 women, 4 men and 3 children were there to protest on the arrival of American cruise missiles[2]. Upon arrival, the protesters decided that four women should chain themselves to the fence of Greenham and subsequently the press would be notified. Later on, the women wrote a letter to the base commander. The commander replied to this by stating “As far as I’m concerned, you can stay here for as long as you like”. This statement is one he would regret[3].

By the end of the week the women took part in chaining action on a rota basis, more and more women became a part of the movement and a peace camp came into fruition – by November it was firmly established and by March 1982, it became a women’s only peace protest.

The support for Greenham women became widespread. Many women across Britain became members of Greenham support groups. The camp also attracted women from other countries and inspired the development of further women’s peace camps “at least thirty on three continents by 1983”[4]. The slogan “Greenham Women Everywhere” formed a wider web of protest across Britain and beyond.

It accumulated further support throughout 1982 when Newbury Council were determined to evict the women from the common along with a series of activities by Greenham Women which ultimately led to arrests, court cases and prison sentences for some[5]. These activities included the first blockade of the base by 250 women in March, a symbolic die-in at the London stock exchange in June. A die-in is a type of protest whereby participants pretend to be dead. Furthermore there was an occupation inside the base in August as well as an encirclement of the base. This was known to many as “embrace the base”[6].

Many of the characteristic features of the campaign were taking shape during 1982. Women were learning techniques of passive resistance and how to plan and execute large actions within the principles of non-hierarchical organisation. They were challenging the legal framework and court procedures in ways reminiscent of the Suffragettes. It is argued that up to 50,000 women engaged with the camp by December 1983[7].

One of the women that engaged in the protests over the years was called Helen Thomas, who came from Newcastle Emlyn, Carmarthenshire. A woman who was inspired by the women of Greenham Common paid the ultimate price for peace. According to the sources, Helen went to the peace camp at the beginning of 1989 when the camp had a decline in media interest and they were short of women who wanted to be involved. Her mother once wrote to her asking her to come home, get a decent job and be involved at Greenham part-time. However, Helen was determined and argued that “peace and justice was not a part-time job”[8].

This decision was to be a significant and ill-fated. Helen was hit by a police car on August 5th, 1989 which proved to be fatal. Helen was 22 when she passed away, she was only at the camp for two months prior to the accident. Her death was ruled to be an accident although it is still contested by Helens family and friends who argue the verdict is questionable as standard procedures were not followed[9].

Source: Dicken, Paul. "Wales, Greenham Common And Occupy | Hiraeth". Hiraeth.wales. N.p., 2011. Web. 19 July 2016.

Source: Dicken, Paul. “Wales, Greenham Common And Occupy | Hiraeth”. Hiraeth.wales. N.p., 2011. Web. 19 July 2016.

Wales for Peace have a commemorative plaque for Helen, located within the garden of peace behind the Temple of Peace and Health in Cardiff and is available for the public to visit.

Although Greenham Common has been disbanded, and it seems we live in a society that seems to have more violence as time passes, the fight for peace continues. Helen Thomas along with the other women of Greenham played an active role in moving the struggle onward.

[1] Liddington, J. (1989) The Long Road to Greenham: Feminism and anti-militarism in Britain since 1820. United Kingdom: Trafalgar Square.

[2] Shaw, M (1993) “Women in Protest and Beyond: Greenham Common and Mining Support Groups.” PhD Thesis. Durham University. Print.

[3] Harford, B and Hopkins (1984) S. Greenham Common. London: Women’s Press. Print.

[4] We Are Ordinary Women (1985) Seattle: Seal Press. Print.

[5] Liddington, J. (1989) The Long Road to Greenham: Feminism and anti-militarism in Britain since 1820. United Kingdom: Trafalgar Square.

[6] Roseneil, Sasha. Common Women, Uncommon Practices. London: Cassell, 2000. Print.

[7] Harford, Barbara and Sarah Hopkins. Greenham Common. London: Women’s Press, 1984. Print.

[8] “The Woman Who Paid The Ultimate Price For Peace”. walesonline. N.p., 2011. Web. 13 July 2016.

[9] “Greenham Common Campaigner Helen Thomas Honoured | Women’s Views On News”. Womensviewsonnews.org. N.p., 2016. Web. 19 July 2016.