Yn Cofio Guernika- Remembering Guernika

Mi fydd yn 80 mlynedd ers ymysodiad bomio ar Guernika, pentref yn Gwlad y Basg mis yma.  Dyma erthygl am yr erchyllter a’r cefnogaeth gath Gwlad y Basg gan Gymru yn ystod Rhyfel Cartref Sbaen.

Chwech o luniau gan blant 1937 a’u pensiliau lliw ydyn nhw. Mae glesni yn yr awyr yn un o’r lluniau. Stryd o dai lliwgar mewn un arall. Mewn nifer, mae llun cert llwythog a cheffyl, a chriw o bobl yn gwagio tŷ. Ond yng nghanol y naturioldeb hwnnw, mae lluniau o awyrennau, bomiau, bwledi a chyrff. Doedd y tai na’r siopau – na’r strydoedd hyd yn oed – ddim yn bod ond yng nghof y chwe phlentyn pan aethant ati i dynnu’r lluniau. Ffoaduriaid o Gernika oedd y plant.

Mae’r chwe llun yn rhan o gasgliad Amgueddfa ac Oriel Gwynedd yn eu canolfan newydd, Storiel ym Mangor. Cawsant eu cyflwyno i’r archif yn 1973 gan newyddiadurwr o Farian-glas, Môn – John Williams Hughes – a gafodd ei gynhyrfu gan ymosodiadau’r Ffasgwyr yn Sbaen ar lywodraeth ddemocrataidd y wlad gan achosi Rhyfel Cartref yno. Roedd yn ysgrifennydd Pwyllgor Cymorth i Sbaen Gogledd Cymru a grëodd apêl lwyddiannus gan godi £500 yn gyflym. Defnyddiwyd y gronfa i baratoi ambiwlans, ei chuddliwio â phaent glas, brown a gwyrdd, ei stocio ag offer a thîm meddygol, gosod draig goch ar ei bonet a John ei hun wrth y llyw a’i gyrru i Fadrid. Bu’r newyddiadurwr yno am rai wythnosau yn gwirfoddoli gyda’r Groes Goch yn y brifddinas ac yna yn Valencia.

Cyfrannodd erthyglau i’r wasg yng Nghymru tra oedd yno ac ar ôl dychwelyd. Tra oedd yn Sbaen, cyfarfu â rhai o ffoaduriaid gwlad y Basg. Gwyliodd blant o Gernika yn gwneud lluniau â phensiliau lliw gan ddarlunio’u strydoedd a’r awyrennau yn eu bomio. Roedd y lluniau hyn yn cael eu dosbarthu i hyrwyddo ymwybyddiaeth o’r gyflafan a phan ddychwelodd John WilliamsHughes i Gymru, daeth â chwech o’r lluniau hyn gydag o.

Mae manylion bychain yn y lluniau sy’n frawychus o agos at gofnodion hanesyddol o’r bomio a ddioddefodd Gernika, 26 Ebrill 1937. Roedd hi’n ddiwrnod gwanwynol, clir – doedd y bomwyr ddim yn hedfan os oedd hi’n gymylog neu niwlog bryd hynny. Bomiwyd adeiladau, ond hefyd erlidiai’r awyrennau bobl oedd yn ffoi gan eu saethu gyda’u gynnau peiriant. Wedi’r bomiau trymaf, gollyngwyd bomiau tân nad oedd ond yn gwneud twll bychan mewn to teils ond byddai’r fflamau’n llyncu trawstiau’r adeilad wrth iddynt ffrwydro. Mae mwy nag un to teils yn lluniau’r plant gyda thyllau crwn, melyn ynddynt.

Lladdwyd 1654 ac anafwyd 889 o bobl a phlant yn yr ymosodiad hwnnw ar ddiwrnod marchnad yn Gernika a llosgwyd 90% o adeiladau’r dref. Hwn oedd y dinistr dinesig gwaethaf yn Ewrop ar y pryd, gydag awyrennau Hitler a Mussolini yn cefnogi cyrch Franco yng ngwlad y Basg, gan ymarfer ar gyfer cyrchoedd tebyg ar eu hagenda eu hunain. Er bod ffatrïoedd arfau yn y ddinas, y bobl a’r plant oedd y targedau a rhyfela drwy greu torcalon oedd y nod.

Roedd ymerodraethau’r gorllewin wedi defnyddio’r dacteg hon mewn gwledydd eraill ers pymtheng mlynedd a mwy – ond roedd y rheiny’n ddiogel bell o gyrraedd y wasg a’r cyhoedd. Bomiwyd dinasoedd yn Iran, India, Rwsia, Palestina, yr Aifft, Sudan gan gynnwys gollwng nwy gwenwynig ar y Cwrdiaid, gan awyrennau Prydain 1919-1930. Ceisiodd yr Almaen wahardd bomio o’r awyr yng nghynhadledd Cynghrair y Cenhedloedd yn 1932 (roedd hyn cyn i Hitler ddod i rym) ond roedd Prydain ac America yn gwrthwynebu.

Cododd lleisiau yn erbyn hyn yng Nghymru yn ogystal. Yn 1935, cynhaliwyd ‘Balot Heddwch’ yng ngwledydd Prydain, sef refferendwm yn rhoi cyfle i’r cyhoedd leisio barn ar nifer o faterion yn ymwneud â rhyfela ac arfogi. Bu canfasio dygn yng Nghymru ac aeth 64% o’r etholwyr i fwrw pleidlais – dwywaith y nifer mewn rhannau eraill o’r wladwriaeth. Ar bwynt ‘a ddylid caniatau bomio trefi a dinasoedd o’r awyr’, roedd 90% o etholwyr Cymru yn gwrthwynebu’r math newydd hwn o ryfela.

Dyma gyfnod meddiannu mwy a mwy o dir i’r lluoedd arfog a’r bygythiad i ddod ag Ysgol Fomio i Benyberth, Llŷn. Er bod gwrthwynebiad cenedlaetholgar i’r bygythiad hwnnw, sef amddiffyn daear Cymru rhag cael ei defnyddio gan Swyddfa Ryfel Llundain, roedd protestio yn erbyn yr egwyddor o fomio dinesig. Wrth annerch cyfarfod o gangen sir Gaernarfon o Blaid Genedlaethol Cymru yng Nghaernarfon yn 1936, dywedodd Saunders Lewis: ‘Pennaf nod y bomio fydd dinistrio dinasoedd, eu llosgi a’u gwenwyno, troi gwareiddiad y canrifoedd yn ulw, gollwng i lawr, allan o ddiogelwch yr awyr, yr angau creulonaf ar wragedd a phlant a gwŷr di-arf a diamddiffyn, a sicrhau, os dianc rhai a’u bywydau ganddynt, na bydd nac annedd na bwyd i’w porthi nac aelwyd i’w cadw yn fyw.’

Mae’r anerchiad ‘Brwydr yr Ysgol Fomio’ a gyhoeddwyd ar gyfer cyfarfod croesawu’r Tri o garchar yn pwysleisio mai ymosod yn hytrach nac amddiffyn oedd diben yr Ysgol Fomio. Dyfynnwyd geiriau Baldwin pan oedd yn Brif Weinidog mai dysgu lladd mewn gwaed oer oedd diben yr addysg ynddi. Dysgu sut i ‘ddinistrio dinasoedd, eu llosgi a’u gwenwyno, troi gwareiddiad y canrifoedd yn ulw, gollwng i lawr, allan o ddiogelwch yr awyr yr angau creulonaf ar wragedd a phlant a gwŷr di-arf a di-amddiffyn, a sicrhau, os dianc rhai â’u bywydau ganddynt, na bydd nac annedd na bwyd i’w porthi nac aelwyd i’w cadw’n fyw.’

Tra oedd Tri Penyberth yng ngharchar Wormwood Scrubs am losgi RAF Penrhos y bomiwyd Gernika. Wythnos ar ôl y bomio didrugaredd, cyhoeddwyd llythyr gan Cyril P. Cule, Cymro arall oedd wedi treulio amser yn Sbaen ac wedi bod yn llygad-dyst i ddigwyddiadau cynnar y Rhyfel Cartref. Mae’r pennawd ‘Porth Neigwl a Gernica’ yn clymu’r Ysgol Fomio yn Llŷn wrth y gyflafan yng ngwlad y Basg. Yng ngeiriau’r llythyrwr, mae’n cysylltu ‘fandaliaeth llywodraeth Mr Baldwin yn chwalu un o gysegrleoedd ein cenedl i adeiladu ysgol fomio’ gyda gwaith ‘cyfeillion annwyl Mr Baldwin (Franco, Hitler, Mussolini) yn bomio’r ddinas gysegredig honno gan ladd cannoedd o bobl a saethu’r ffoedigion yn y caeau oddi amgylch . . . ’

Y bobl hynny sy’n cael eu darlunio yn lluniau’r plant a gedwir yn Storiel – yn ystod storm y bomiau a’r fflamau, maent yn ceisio arbed hynny sy’n bosib o’u tai a’u llwytho ar y certi cyn ffoi am y porthladdoedd. Certi pren, olwynion trol a cheffylau ar y strydoedd a’r peiriannau hollalluog diweddaraf yn yr awyr uwch eu pennau.

Eleni, mae’n 80 mlynedd ers dinistr Gernika. Daeth llond bws mini o wlad y Basg i Lŷn ychydig wedi’r Calan eleni. Cawsant eu cyffwrdd ein bod yn cofio hynny a’n bod yn cysylltu Penyberth a’r gyflafan hyd yn oed. Maent wedi arfer cael eu hanwybyddu neu eu herlid. Pan ddaeth 4,000 o blant gwlad y Basg i wledydd Prydain ym Mai 1937, bu rhai yn frwd yn eu croesawu ac yn cynnal cartrefi iddynt, ond aeth eraill ati i sefydlu ‘Basque Children’s Repatriation Committee’ gan honni ei bod hi’n ddiogel iddynt ddychwelyd i’w gwlad eu hunain bellach am fod y sefyllfa yn ‘normal’ yno unwaith eto. Ystyr hynny oedd bod Franco wedi meddiannu’r holl wlad a bod rhai o rieni’r plant mewn carchar ac eraill mewn beddau.

Er mai Tri Penyberth a dderbyniodd gyfrifoldeb am weithred y Tân yn Llŷn, datgelwyd rhyw hanner can mlynedd yn ddiweddarach bod pump arall wedi bod yn eu cynorthwyo ond y cynllun oedd bod tri gŵr amlwg ym mywyd Cymru yn cael eu carcharu a bod y lleill yn parhau gyda’r ymgyrch yn y cyfamser. Wedi imi symud i fyw i Lŷn, clywais fod nawfed aelod o’r tîm. Merch fferm yn Rhydyclafdy oedd hi, wedi bod yn fyfyrwraig yn y brifysgol ym Mangor. Roedd wedi astudio Cymraeg gyda R. Williams Parry yn un o’i darlithwyr, ac erbyn 1936 roedd yn athrawes ifanc ei hun. Ei henw oedd Lydia Roberts, Penrhynydyn. Gan ei bod o Rydyclafdy, dim ond hi fyddai’n gwybod am y llwybr cyfleus drwy’r eithin, ar hyd y gefnen ac i lawr i Benyberth. Hi ddangosodd y llwybr hwnnw i Saunders Lewis pan ymwelodd â’r ardal ddwywaith yn ystod haf 1936 wrth gynllunio’r ymosodiad ar yr Ysgol Fomio. Hi, hefyd, oedd fy athrawes Gymraeg gyntaf – Lydia Hughes oedd ei henw erbyn hynny, yn byw yn Nolgarrog ac yn ein dysgu am y cynganeddion, hen benillion, R. Williams Parry ac enwau lleoedd yn ardal Ysgol Dyffryn Conwy, Llanrwst. Pan glywais am ei chyfraniad i hanes y Tân yn Llŷn, daeth awydd mawr i sgwennu ei stori. Nofel am Lyn a gwlad y Basg ydi Mae’r Lleuad yn Goch a bydd yn cael ei chyhoeddi ar Ddydd Gernika eleni.

Elfen arall yn y nofel yw’r cysylltiad morwrol rhwng Cymru a gwlad y Basg. Cyn 1936, roedd llawer o’r llongau oedd yn masnachu rhwng Prydain a Sbaen yn eiddo i gwmnïau o dde Cymru gan mai glo Cymreig a mwyn haearn o ardal Bilbo, prifddinas y Basgiaid oedd y prif allforion/mewnforion. Llongau ‘tramp’, tua 4,500 tunnell oedd y rhan fwyaf o’r rhain. Ar ddechrau’r Rhyfel Cartref, roedd Franco a’i gynghreiriaid yn ymosod ac yn suddo llongau fel y mynnai o gwmpas arfordir Sbaen er mwyn ceisio ennill rheolaeth ar y môr. Penderfynodd llywodraethau Llundain, Ffrainc a Washington ‘beidio ag ymyrryd’ a thrwy hynny ganiatau i’r ymosodiadau a’r colledion barhau.

Yng ngwanwyn 1937, creodd Franco flocâd ar borthladdoedd gwlad y Basg gyda’r bwriad o dorri ysbryd ei wrthwynebwyr drwy eu llwgu. Ceisiodd rhai o’r ‘llongau tramp’ barhau i fasnachu â’u hen borthladdoedd gan lwytho cargo o fwyd ac anelu am wlad y Basg. Caent eu rhybuddio a’u rhwystro rhag mynd yn agos at ‘arfordir Franco’ gan longau rhyfel Prydain a’u cyfeirio at borthladdoedd cyfagos yn Ffrainc. Yno’r oedd y wasg ryngwladol yn chwilio am stori a daeth rhai o’r capteiniaid yn gymeriadau lled-chwedlonol. Cymry oeddent, fel David John Jones, capten y Marie Llewellyn a roddodd y gorau i’w ymddeoliad yn Abertawe er mwyn cario llwyth o datws i Bilbo Ebrill 15/16, 1937. Gan fod cymaint o’r Cymry’n cario’r cyfenw ‘Jones’, cawsant eu glasenwi yn ôl eu cargo a daeth ‘Captain Potato Jones’, ‘Captain Ham and Eggs Jones’ a ‘Captain Corn Cob Jones’ yn enwau rhyngwladol. Torrwyd blocâd Bilbo yn y diwedd gan y Capten W. H. Roberts o Benarth ac fe’i anrhydeddwyd gyda derbyniad swyddogol gan weinidogion Llywodraeth gwlad y Basg. Mae’r Basgiaid yn dal i gyfeirio’n ddiolchgar at gampau’r ‘Welsh navy’ hyd heddiw.

O ddiddordeb personol i mi oedd bod pedwar llongwr o Lŷn yn cael eu henwi fel aelodau o griw un o’r llongau oedd yn herio blocâd Franco. Cofrestwyd yr African Mariner yn y Barri a bu’n cario ŷd o’r Môr Du i Barcelona.

Drwy gynnwys yr hanes yn y papur bro Llanw Llŷn, cafwyd cysylltiad â nifer o deuluoedd y pedwar morwr a chafwyd eu storiau mewn mwy o fanylder: ‘ Cafodd yr African Mariner ei difrodi yn harbwr Barcelona ar 24 Medi, 1938 pan ollyngwyd bom o un o awyrennau’r Ffasgwyr yn agos ati. Ni chafodd neb ei anafu ar y llong, ond lladdwyd pump ac anafwyd 21 ar y cei yn ystod yr un ymosodiad. Ar 3 Hydref, trawyd y llong yn uniongyrchol gan fom – aeth drwy ddau ddec a ffrwydro yng nghanol y cargo gwenith. Bu’r grawn yn fodd o liniaru effaith y ffrwydriad ac unwaith eto, nid anafwyd neb. Cafodd ddifrod pellach ar 5 Rhagfyr ond ar 22 Ionawr, 1939 cafodd ei bomio’n ddrwg a lladdwyd pedwar morwr o wlad Groeg oedd arni. Roedd cyflwr y llong cynddrwg nes iddi suddo yn yr harbwr drannoeth… Cael a chael oedd hi i’r pedwar o ardal Pwllheli – Tom Williams, Humphrey Roberts, Gwynfor Jones a Robin Williams – i ddianc mewn pryd. Syrthiodd Barcelona i ddwylo lluoedd Franco ar 26 Ionawr ond erbyn hynny roedd y morwyr wedi llwyddo i groesi’r Pyreneau, yna mynd am Marseilles a chael trên yn ôl adref.’

Yn Mae’r Lleuad yn Goch, mae hanes llosgi’r Ysgol Fomio a dinistrio Gernika yn dod ynghyd. Er mai dychmygol yw’r stori, mae’r digwyddiadau’n rhai hanesyddol. Bydd yn cael ei lansio yn Storiel, Bangor a bydd cyfle i weld y lluniau a wnaed gan ffoaduriaid o wlad y Basg bryd hynny hefyd. Weithiau mae angen y cof a’r dychymyg er mwyn dod yn nes at hanes.

 

Ffynonellau

Cule, Cyril P., ‘Porth Neigwl a Guernica’, Llythyrau at y Golygydd, Y Cymro, 8 Mai 1937

Cule, Cyril P., Cymro ar Grwydr, Llandysul, 1941

Coelcerth Rhyddid – Croeso i’r Tri, pamffledyn Plaid Cymru 1937

Heaton, P. M.; Welsh Blackade Runners in the Spanish Civil War, The Starling Press, Casnewydd, 1985

Williams, Dafydd Glyn; Looking Back, Pwllheli (cyhoeddiad preifat), 2013

 

 

Cardiff’s Conscientious Objectors: Religion and Politics

We know very little about most of Cardiff’s conscientious objectors (COs) in the First World War.  There are just 66 names are to be found in the Pearce Register, the most comprehensive list of men who refused to go to war on religious, ethical, political or social grounds, often with only the sketchiest details of their backgrounds, motivation, tribunal, prison or other records.

In the second instalment, Maggie Smales looks at the ‘Cardiff’s Conscientious Objectors: Religion and Politics’.

Religion:

Details for most of Cardiff’s COs are sparse, but where the Pearce Register reveals motivation, it is clear that religion, and membership of certain denominations in particular, was the most common.

We can deduce that at least seven of the men were Quakers. The Religious Society of Friends declared its commitment to peace in 1660 and since then has opposed all wars.  Quakers resisted the introduction of conscription in 1916 and many chose to register as conscientious objectors. However most of these Quaker men in Cardiff did choose to join some kind of non-combatant service, feeling this was the quickest way to end the war.

For example, the architect Laurence Angus joined the Friends War Relief Victims Service (FWRVS) as a volunteer at the start of the war and went with them to France in November 1914.  Nonetheless when conscription was introduced, he was brought before the Military Service Tribunal for Dinas Powys and Llandaff in April 1916 but was granted Exemption from Combatant Service conditional on remaining with the FWRVS.  He went on to serve with the FWRVS until the end of the war. Norman Edmunds is reported as hut building in France with the FWRVS from August 1915.

The Christadelphians were another religious group who were committed to pacifism from the time of their foundation in the first half of the nineteenth century.  They avoided activities that are regarded as “of the world” including military service.  Five Christadelphians are identified on the Pearce Register.  Like William Jones, they all accepted work of national importance.  William was actually allowed to stay where he was as manager of the Maypole Dairy (a national chain at the time) in Canton. This was felt to be punishment enough in view of his poor health and the fact that densely populated Canton was not a particularly salubrious area.

There were four men in Cardiff identified as members of the (Plymouth) Brethren, another denomination which refused to carry arms.  Thomas Charles Mason, a furniture packer from 33 Llanfair Road in Canton, was typical.  He joined the Non-Combatant Corps in Cardiff in June 1917 and was finally demobilised in January 1920.

One man whose case was mentioned in the press was Arthur Spurgeon Gage (born 1893), son of a carriage builder, who in the 1911 census was living with his parents in 211 Mackintosh Place in Roath.  Arthur was the Secretary of the Student Christian Movement in Wales, which made him more prominent than many COs, and a local minister, Llewellyn Williams, wrote to Y Cymro on 1 August 1917 to protest:

AT OLYGYDD Y CYMRO.

Annwyl Syr, A fedrwch chwi fforddio ychydig o’ch gofod prin i air ar y paragraff a ganlyn, a ymddangosodd ym mhapurau Caerdydd heddyw-Gorff. 23.

(To the editor of Y Cymro

Dear Sir, Can you afford some of your limited space to air the following paragraph, which appeared in today’s (23 July)  Cardiff papers .)

Arthur S. Gage (24), Welsh Secretary of the Students’ Christian Movement, was charged at Cardiff today with being an absentee under the Military Service Act. Defendant claimed that the law of conscience was above the law of the land, and that was absolutely contrary to the life and teaching of Christ. Defendant was fined £5, and ordered to be handed over to the military.”

The Reverend Williams went on to write about the value and important of the Student Christian Movement and to regret:

Ond y mae’n amlwg fod y gwaith, er ei bwysiced, yn ddibwys ddigon yng ngolwg ein hawdurodau milwrol, ac i bob golwg, y maent o’r farn v bydd egwyl o orffwys yn awyrgylch iachusol Wormwood Scrubbs neu Dartmoor neu Garchar Caernarfon yn llawer mwy o wasanaeth i’r wladwriaeth ar ran Mr Gage na chynorthwyo i Gristioneiddio Colegau Cymru, a gwasanaethu’r Gymdeithas sy’n dipyn o swcwr i’r bechgyn a’r genethod di brofi a sy’n heidio o gysgod a gofal cartrefi i wynebu bywyd coleg a’i beryglon diri.

(But it is clear that the work, important though it is, is trivial in the eyes of our military authorities, and apparently they think that a break in the wholesome atmosphere of Wormwood Scrubbs or Dartmoor or Caernarfon prison will allow Mr Gage to serve the state better than assisting Christianity in the University Colleges and serving a movement which brings succour to inexperienced boys and girls who come from the shelter and care of home to face the countless dangers of college life ‘.)

Arthur had been posted to the Non-Combatant Corps of the Welch Regiment in Oswestry, but refused to go.  He was court-martialled on 4 August 1917 and sentenced to 112 days imprisonment with hard labour in Wormwood Scrubbs.  The following month, the Central Tribunal found him to be a Conscientious Objector class A and at the beginning of November 1917, under the Home Office Scheme, he was sent to Knutsford Work Centre in Cheshire.  Pearce notes that he went on to do postwar work with the Friends War Relief Victims Service.

Politics

A second group of COs were political activists of the left who saw the First World War as an imperialist war and as an example of the ruling classes making a war that the workers had to fight. Nine men on the Pearce Register are identified as being members of the No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF), sometimes in combination with membership of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and/or the Trades Union Movement.

An example was James Ewart Edwards, born in 1883. The son of a schoolteacher, in the 1911 census he was still living with his family in the schoolhouse in Eglwysilan.  He became a schoolteacher himself and was an NCF member and a trade unionist.  Pearce notes that the Military Service Tribunal in Cardiff awarded him exemption from combatant service only. He was called up and given a medical, but was found to be unfit for military service, transferred to Army Reserve Class W, and allowed to return to his teaching post. He was one of four Cardiff LEA teacher Conscientious Objectors asked to resign by the City Council.

 

Who were Cardiff’s First World War Conscientious Objectors?

We know very little about most of Cardiff’s conscientious objectors (COs) in the First World War.  There are just 66 names are to be found in the Pearce Register, the most comprehensive list of men who refused to go to war on religious, ethical, political or social grounds, often with only the sketchiest details of their backgrounds, motivation, tribunal, prison or other records.

Over the next five days, a different blog will be published to offer an insight into the lives of these men who have remained out of the spotlight. In this first instalment, Maggie Smales looks at the ‘Cardiff’s Conscientious Objectors: the Young and the Old‘.

From the Register we can deduce that most COs were single men in their early to mid-twenties. The youngest for whom we have a date of birth (18 August 1900) was a grocer’s assistant called Bertie Crocker, who lived in 7 Glamorgan Street in Canton and was a Baptist.  When Bertie was eighteen years old he was called up to the Royal Welsh Fusiliers. He refused to sign his army papers and was court-martialled in Cardiff on 16 September 1918 and sentenced to 6 months hard labour in Wormwood Scrubbs.  He went in front of the Central Military Tribunal in Wormwood Scrubbs on 4 December 1918, almost a month after Armistice Day.  Here he was finally accepted as a ‘Conscientious Objector Class A’ and was referred to the Brace Committee Home Office Scheme which organised work of ‘national importance’ for men who were found to have a ‘genuine’ conscientious objection.  On 13 December 1918 Bertie was transferred to Army Reserve Class W for men ‘whose services are deemed to be more valuable to the country in civil rather than military employment’ and he was sent to work on Dartmoor.

One of the oldest men to refuse call up was a Mr T Stephens, who was 44 in 1918, married and a foreman in a flour mill.  He went before Glamorgan County Military Service Tribunal and in October 1918 it was decided that in view of ‘his age, domestic circumstances and his trade’ he should be allowed to stay where he was. Mr Stephens worked for Cardiff and Channel Mills, owned by the Spillers company; at least one other conscientious objector, a furniture salesman called Mr GS Lavers, was also directed to work there by the Military Service Tribunal in May 1917, as this was considered to be work of ‘national importance’.

Another man in his early 40s when he was called up was Walter Sirrell.  Born in Hereford in 1876, by the time of the 1911 census Walter was living in Cardiff at 110 City Road with his wife and three children all under the age of 10.  His occupation was given as ‘Shopkeeper, Tailor and Outfitter’.  At some point he had also lived in Llandrindod and so his arrest caused interest in the district.  The Brecon and Radnor Express reported on 13 June 1918:

‘Mr Walter Sirrell, formerly of Llandrindod Wells, has been arrested at Cardiff as an absentee under the Military Service Act, and has for two weeks been a prisoner in gaol. He has refused all Army service as a conscientious objector. He is 42 years of age, married, and several children. During his residence at Llandrindod Wells he was manager of Mr C. M. Binyon’s outfitting business, and he was for some years Hon. Secretary of the United Temperance Society, a teacher in the Friends’ Sunday School, and a Christian Endeavourer.’

There was even a short notice in Y Cymro on 20 June 1918:

‘Yn y carchar y mae Mr Walter Sirrell, gynt o Landrindod, am ei fod yn gwrthod gwneud dim gyda ‘r fyddin am ei fod yn wrthwynebwr cydwybodol.’

(Mr Walter Tirrell, formerly of Llandrindod, is in prison for having refused to have anything to do with the war and for being a conscientious objector.)

After about a month in prison he went before the military tribunal in Cardiff on 3 July 1918 and was sentenced to six months hard labour in Wormwood Scrubbs.  Six weeks later, the Central Tribunal at Wormwood found him to be Conscientious Objectors Class A and referred him to the Brace Committee.  However he was clearly an absolutist who refused any form of alternative service, as the next reference to him in the Pearce Register is that he was serving a sentence to Cardiff Civil Prison in May 1919, six months after the end of the war.

A visit to the Holocaust Memorial/ Ymwelaid a chofeb Holocaust

By Nia Evans

Recently I visited Berlin for a weekend. Having spoken to a few friends I was advised that the Holocaust Memorial was a must visit. So on our first full day that’s where we headed, thinking we would spend an hour or so paying our respects  before leaving to explore the city further.

I can’t begin to express how much this memorial touched me, by the time we left it was dusk, having spent the whole day at the site. Time stood still as we were taken on a step by step journey following the stories of families across Germany and Poland.

The memorial is situated between Brandenburg Gate and Potsdamer Platz, I must admit, I wasn’t sure what to expect as we turned the corner and saw the ‘Field of Stelae’ in front of us. Designed by Peter Eisenman and situated above the subterranean Information Centre, we saw in front of us a vast collection of what is described as concrete slabs (stelae) which have been placed in a form of grid on uneven, sloping ground.

We were able to access the ‘field’ from four sides and walk in-between the around 2,700 concrete structures. The wave like form of the ground in which they stand means that each steale is of different height and from the outside it seemed that the structures were sloping upwards.  In walking between them however, it became obvious that the ground sinks down in the centre, as you walk further into the centre the increasing hue of the concrete blocks creates a feeling of being claustrophobic of suffocating and of isolation. This was incredibly effective.

Having spent time taking in the field of Stelae, we decided to enter the memorial itself, which is situated underground beneath the field.

Starting at the beginning of the exhibition with Hitler’s rise to power we were given an insightful context as to how  Nazism started, progressed and escalated. This included learning about the political and social climate of the time. As we moved forwards in the timeline, there seemed to be an obvious shift from setting the scene to focusing on the stories of the people targeted for persecution. We were guided through a section which included letters written by individuals, some were of hope that things would improve, others, even by children, were that of acceptance of their imminent death. One example that comes to mind is that of a postcard which was thrown out of a train carriage on the way to a death camp, expressing final goodbyes to loved ones, the author clearly knowing what was waiting for them. Someone had found the postcard and had posted it onwards.

We were introduced to families, learning about their lives before the war, and learning about their fate afterwards. This made the whole experience more personal, especially by the fact that the main element of each family section was that of a photo of the whole family together. Usually a large family, which records show were then decimated and the few remaining survivors separated and scattered away from their home to different areas of he world.

By the end, I felt like I couldn’t take any more in: the scale of personal stories, of testimonials, of suffering was almost too much to fully comprehend. One of the last rooms in the exhibition contained a large map of Europe highlighting each location and camp where exterminations took place. There seemed to be no country which wasn’t used to play a part in the persecution of the Jewish community. The organisation and structure in carrying out such horror absolutely astounded me.

As we were making our way to leave, I heard a female voice talking in one of the rooms. We stepped inside and realised that a video was playing of an interview with a woman who had featured in one of the family portraits as a young girl earlier in the memorial. I remembered from having read about the family that she had managed to survive the holocaust, the only member of the close family to do so. The name of this woman was Sabina van der Linden-Wolanski. In just popping into the room to see who was talking, we continued to wait and listen to the interview, five minutes passed, then ten and before we knew it, over an hour had past in hearing about the life of this woman and the writing of her biography Destined to live. It was such a powerful account of her life, it really was capitvating.  Her personal story of survival allowed the journey through the memorial to finish on a thought inspiring note.

In the future, I potentially won’t remember many facts or figures. It is the gut wrenching feeling of the scale and reading personal stories which will stay with me.

Of course, we only learnt about a handful of families and individuals. Some millions of stories will never be heard. This was murder on an industrial scale. I find, still, that the scale of such an attrocity incomprehensible. It all started with one person rising in power. In having attended, I have been left with a much better understanding of what exactly happened to lead to this horror during WW2. In increasing my understanding I have been left with a real determination to work for peace and to ensure that the world that I live in now is a world based on unity, happiness without any form of discrimination.

Es i am benwythnos i Berlin yn ddiweddar. Wrth drafod lle i fynd a pha atyniadau i’w gweld, soniodd sawl ffrind y dylai’r gofeb Holocost fod ar flaen y rhestr. Ar y diwrnod llawn cyntaf felly, dyna lle’r aethon ni, gyda’r bwriad o dreulio tua awr neu ddwy  yn talu teyrnged cyn gadael ac archwilio’r ddinas yn bellach.

Anodd iawn yw esbonio gymaint yr effeithiodd mynychu’r gofeb a’r arddangosfa arnaf i, erbyn gadael roedd hi wedi cychwyn nosi, ar ôl i ni dreulio diwrnod cyfan yno. Arhosodd amser yn ei unfan wrth i ni gael ein cymryd ar daith yn dilyn storiâu teuluoedd wedi eu lleoli ar hyd a lled yr Almaen a Gwlad Pwyl.

Mae’r gofeb ei hun wedi cael ei leoli rhwng gât Branderburg a Potsdamer Platz. Rhaid cyfaddef, doeddwn i ddim yn hollol siwr beth i’w ddisgwyl wrth gerdded at y safle, ond cyn pen dim dyna lle’r oedden ni, gyda’r ‘Field of stelae’ o’n blaenau ni. Maent yn cael eu disgrifio fel casgliad o ‘slabiau concrit’ sydd wedi cael eu gosod mewn grid anwastad. Peter Eisenmen sydd yn gyfrifol am ddylunio’r ardal, sydd wedi ei leoli uwchben y ganolfan wybodaeth danddaearol.

Mae pedwar mynediad i’r safle, un o bob ochr. Roedd modd i ni gerdded o gwmpas a rhwng yr o ddeutu 2,700 o strwythurau concrit. Roedd arddull anwastad y ddaear yn golygu bod pob strwythur yn ymddangos fel eu bod o faint gwahanol. Ar yr edrychiad cyntaf, roedd y ddaear yn ymddangos fel tonnau, fodd bynnag, wrth gerdded rhwng pob strwythur daeth i’r amlwg bod y llawr ar raddiant gyda’r pwynt dyfnaf yn y canol. Wrth gyrraedd at y pwynt hynny doeddwn i methu help a theimlo fel fy mod, bron iawn, yn mygu, o fod yn glawstroffobig ac yn unig.

Ar ôl treulio amser yn crwydro’r ardal yma, gwnaethom benderfynu mynd dan ddaear i’r arddangosfa ei hun.

Dyma gychwyn yr arddangosfa gyda hanes cynnydd pŵer Hitler, rhoddwyd cyd-destun craff ynglŷn â sut y dechreuodd, datblygodd a fwy na dim, sut y gwnaeth Natsïaeth ddwysau. Roedd hyn yn cynnwys dysgu am hinsawdd wleidyddol a chymdeithasol y cyfnod. Wrth symud ar hyd y llinell amser, gwelwyd newid amlwg wrth i’r ffocws symud o osod manylion cefndirol i rannu storiâu am y rheiny oedd yn cael eu herlyn. Mewn un ystafell roedd arddangosfa o lythyrau oedd wedi cael eu hysgrifennu yn ystod y cyfnod, roedd rhai yn negeseuon gobaith, eraill, hyd yn oed gan blant, yn amlwg dderbyn eu ffawd. Mae un enghraifft yn dod i’r meddwl lle’r oedd cerdyn post wedi cael ei daflu o drên oedd yn trafaelio at un o’r gwersylloedd marwolaeth, roedd y neges yn neges oedd yn ffarwelio gyda chyfoedion agos, roedd yr awdures yn amlwg wybod beth oedd o’i blaen. Roedd rhywun wedi dod o hyd i’r cerdyn post ac wedi ei bostio.

Cawsom ein cyflwyno i deuluoedd, gan ddysgu am eu bywydau cyn y rhyfel, a’u ffawd ar ei ôl. O ganlyniad, roedd y profiad cyfan yn un fwy personol, yn enwedig gan fod darlun o bob teulu yn hongian o’r tô. Mae cofnodion yn dangos bod teuluoedd cyfan, ac mi roedden nhw’n deuluoedd mawr, wedi eu chwalu, gyda’r ychydig rai oroesodd wedi cael eu gwahanu a’u gwasgaru ar draws y byd.

Erbyn y diwedd, doeddwn i ddim yn teimlo bod modd i fi weld na chlywed mwy o’r storiâu. Roedd lefel y dioddefaint, y storiâu personol ar tystebau yn ormod bron iawn i’w hamgyffred yn llawn. Yn un o’r ystafelloedd olaf roedd map o Ewrop, roedd y map yn dangos lleoliad pob gwersyll gan gynnwys lleoliad pob distryw. O edrych ar y map, roedd hi’n amlwg bod pob gwlad rhywsut wedi chwarae rhan yn erlyn y gymdeithas Iddewig. Heb os, ges i fy syfrdanu gyda lefel y trefnu a strwythur cyflawni’r  hunllef yma.

Wrth baratoi i adael, clywais lais dynes yn siarad yn un o’r ystafelloedd. Wrth gamu i mewn i’r ystafell, sylweddolais mai fideo oedd yn cael ei chwarae o gyfweliad dynes oedd yn aelod o deulu oedd wedi cael eu portreadu yn gynharach yn yr arddangosfa. Cofiais mai hi oedd yr unig aelod o’i theulu agosaf  oedd wedi goroesi’r holocost. Enw’r ddynes yma oedd Sabina van der Linden-Wolanski. O fod wedi picied i mewn i’r ystafell i fusnesu a gweld pwy oedd yn siarad, gwnaethom benderfynu aros a gwrando am gyfnod, pasiodd pum munud, pasiodd deg munud a chyn pen dim roedd dros awr wedi pasio wrth i ni sefyll yn dysgu am fywyd y ddynes anhygoel yma ac am ei phrofiad yn ysgrifennu ei bywgraffiad ‘Destined to Live’. Dyma gofnod pwerus o fywyd unigolyn  oedd wedi byw trwy gyfnod yr Holocost. O ganlyniad, daeth ein taith yn yr arddangosfa i ben ar nodyn ysbrydoledig.

Yn y dyfodol, mae’n bosibl iawn na fyddai’n cofio llawer o’r ffeithiau neu ffigyrau. Yn sicr, bydd y  teimlad trwm yn fy stumog ac emosiwn dysgu am hunllefau’r cyfnod yn aros gyda fi am gyfnod hir.

Yn naturiol, dim ond dysgu am fywyd llond llaw o deuluoedd ac unigolion y gwnaethom ni yn yr arddangosfa. Mae miliynau o storiâu na fydd byth modd i ni eu clywed. Dyma lofruddiaeth ar lefel anferthol. Hyd heddiw, dwi’n ei chael hi’n anodd dirnad maint yr erchyllterau. A’i gychwyn, gydag un person yn codi i bŵer ac yn defnyddio’r pŵer hynny i ddylanwadu ar y bobl o’i gwmpas. Mae gen i well dealltwriaeth erbyn hyn o’r hyn ddigwyddodd i arwain at yr erchyllterau yn ystod yr ail ryfel byd. O gynyddu ar fy nealltwriaeth dwi’n benderfynol o weithio at heddwch er mwyn sicrhau bod fy myd yn un sydd wedi cael ei seilio ar undod ac o hapusrwydd heb unrhyw fath o wahaniaethu.

 

Albert E Rudall

By Seren O’Brian

Albert Rudall is the only Newport man mentioned on a commemorative stone in Tavistock Square, London, which records the names of the 69 Conscientious Objectors who died as a result of mistreatment during the First World War.

Albert was born in late autumn 1887 and christened in St Mark’s Anglican Church, Newport on the 2 November. He is mentioned in two censuses; in 1901 he was living at 145 Shaftesbury Street with his parents Tom and Emma, his older brother Thomas and his younger sister Rose, and in 1911 he was living in 25 Wheeler Street, Newport with his parents, and sister. By this stage, Albert was already working as a brewer’s labourer. Otherwise we know that he was one of eight children, of whom five were still alive, and his family was English speaking.

Albert was a member of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF) both of which were opposed to war.  As a single man aged 28 he was one of the first to be called up under the Military Service Act which came into force on the 2 March 1916.  He refused to serve and was arrested as an absentee on the 30 April 1916, tried on the 1 May by Newport Magistrates, was fined 40 shillings and handed over to the military authorities. His case was refused by the Military Service Tribunal in Newport and the County Appeals Tribunal so he was drafted into the Royal Welch Fusiliers in Cardiff where yet again he refused to obey military orders.

The No-Conscription Fellowship kept records of what happened to every member and published information in sympathetic newspapers such as the Pioneer. On the 20 May 1916 we can read a report from Emrys Hughes, himself a member of the NCF:

South Wales Conscientious Objectors. THEIR POSITION UNDER THE MILITARY NOTE FROM EMRYS HUGHES.

The following summary of the South Wales Conscientious Objectors has been prepared by the Wales Division of the N.C.F. for us, and is complete up to the 10th inst. We have had a letter card this week from Hughes, in which he mentions that […]  G. Dardis, C. James, R. James, E. James (Risca); P. Pope, A. Rudall, A. J. Hewinson, H J. Davies, B. G. Davies D Herbert (Newport); I. Shepherd, J. Shepherd, and W. Jones (Pontypridd); [were] transferred 10/5/16 from Garrison Artillery Barracks, Cardiff, to Kinmel Park Camp, Abergele..

In Kinmel Park, which is situated near Rhyl, Albert was brought before yet another court martial on the 25 May and sentenced to 2 years imprisonment with hard labour, commuted to 112 days with hard labour. The Pioneer picks up the story on the 10 June 1916:

NINE SOUTH WALIANS SENT TO WORMWOOD SCRUBBS. Comrades Percy Pope, Albert Rudall, Arthur J. Hewinson, G. Reynolds, Dorian Herbert, J. H. Davies, Trevor C. Griffiths (all of the Newport Independent Labour Party and No- Conscription Fellowship Branches), Joseph Shepherd (Pontypridd), and W. T. Jones (Treforest) were on Friday removed from Kinmel Park to Wormwood Scrubbs to commence their period of two years’ hard labour for “disobeying in such a manner as to show willful defiance of authority a lawful command given personally by his superior officer in the execution of his office.”

Once prisoners arrived at Wormwood Scrubbs they were allowed to send an “official letter” to their families. The whole form was printed, and all that had to be filled in by the prisoner was their state of health, and how long it would be before they were allowed to write another letter home. We don’t know just what Albert wrote but one of his fellow Newport prisoners is quoted by the Pioneer:

In this case the words, “My sentence is two years,” were added in writing: H.M. Prison, Wormwood Scrubbs, June 3rd, 1916. Dear Father, I am now in this prison, and am in usual health. If I behave well I shall be allowed to write a letter about 7 weeks time and to receive a reply, but no reply is allowed to this. My sentence is two years.  Signature, ARTHUR HEWINSON.

After two months Albert went before the central tribunal at Wormwood Scrubbs and finally was accepted as a ‘Class A’ i.e. a genuine conscientious objector. Under the auspices of the Home Office Scheme he was found ‘Work of National Importance’ mending roads at Clare in West Suffolk.

The Pearce Register doesn’t tell us any more about Albert’s war service but just one month before the end of the war he sadly died as a result of his poor treatment as a conscientious objector. On the 19 October 1918 the Pioneer reports:

In Memoriam. DEATH OF ALBERT RUDALL, C.O. We regret to announce the death of Albert E Rudall, of Newport, Mon. Comrade Rudall was an old I.L.P.er, and one of the original C.O.’s to be arrested under the Military Service Act. After his imprisonment he was released on to the Home Office Scheme and worked at Keddington, Warwick and Dartmoor.

A short while ago he was allowed to proceed home to find work under the H.O. new scheme of Exceptional Employment and, owing to the time-limit imposed in such cases, was compelled to undertake work for which he was entirely unsuited. The result is he has left us for good. His Newport comrades are filled with grief at the loss of so sincere, unassuming, but enthusiastic a supporter of freedom and international brotherhood – a grief which we feel sure will he reflected throughout the whole C.O. movement.

The Shepherd Family of Ystalyfera and Pontypridd in the First World War

By Maggie

Tevia Rudinsky left behind his wife and baby son in Siemiatycze in Russian Poland when he fled to Britain to escape conscription into the Tsarist army in 1877, at the start of the Russo-Turkish war.

Conscription in 19th century Russia was particularly severe – men could be conscripted for 25 years and Jews were explicitly singled out for harsh treatment with boys as young as 12 potentially liable for military service.  Forced conversion was not unusual. Such historic memories, and the fact that Russia not Germany was associated with the most brutal manifestations of anti-Semitism in the years leading up to the First World War, had a considerable influence on the often hostile attitude of Jews of Russian origin to the idea of compulsory service in the British Army.By 1916, when conscription was first introduced, Tevia Rudinsky, now aged 60, and having meanwhile changed his name to Tobias Shepherd and taken on British nationality, was living in Cambria Villa, 3 Tyfica Road in Pontypridd with his wife and his British-born younger children. He owned a successful shop selling glass, paper and decorating materials in Ystalyfera in the Upper Swansea valley.  Three of his younger sons were liable for conscription and all three became conscientious objectors, as did his daughter, the author Lily Tobias.

The Conscientious Objectors

Isaac Shepherd- the oldest of the three young men, was 24 in 1916, and working as a decorator. He was an active member of the No-Conscription Fellowship (NCF).  However, the Conscientious Objector’s Register notes that his main motivation for his decision to resist conscription was his Jewish faith.

On 2 May 1916, Isaac was arrested in Pontypridd with his brother Joseph, tried in the Magistrates’ Court, fined 40/- (£2) and handed over to be taken to the recruiting office in Cardiff.  He was held in Garrison Artillery Barracks in Dumfries Place and then transferred on 10 May to Kinmel Park Camp, Abergele, near Rhyl.

On 31 May 1916, Isaac was sentenced by a court martial at Kinmel Park to 2 years’ hard labour.  He was held in Walton Prison in Liverpool from 9 June until 1 September 1916.  He was then released on leave pending instructions about his Home Office Scheme placement under the Brace Committee.  In comparison to his brothers, Isaac seems thereafter to have been given a relatively easy time by the authorities.  Llais Llafur, the local radical socialist newspaper in Ystalyfera, reported on 30 September 1916:

“As announced in our column last week, Mr Isaac Shepherd… has been released from prison where he has served time as a conscientious objector.  He has now returned to his home at Ystalyfera and will manage the business at the Wern paper stores”.

Isaac was officially transferred to the army reserve class on 20 December 1916.

Solomon Shepherd was 20 in 1916 and working as a wallpaper and glass salesman in the family firm. He was brought before the Military Service Tribunal in Pontardawe on 28 April 1916 where his claim, based on his Jewish faith and ILP and NCF membership, was dismissed.  A county appeal in May 1916 was similarly dismissed and the following month he was arrested, tried in Swansea Police Court on 21 June 1916, fined 40/- (£2) and handed over to the military authorities.

On 1 July 1916 The Herald of Wales & Monmouthshire Recorder reported his trial thus:

Solomon Shepherd, of Ystalyfera, who was arrested at Ystalyfera by P.C. Cook, was charged with being an absentee under the Military Service Act. When the charge was read to him, he replied, “I object on principle.” The police officer produced two circulars found on defendant, and handed them to the magistrates. Major Jessel said defendant had been notified three times – on May 8, June 1, and on June 10 a reminder to report himself in 24 hours. He had taken no notice. He said he did not intend to serve. He had caused trouble. Defendant: I’ve caused no trouble. Major Jessel: It has been reported to me that you have. Mr. J. H. Rosser: If you don’t obey orders you get into trouble. Defendant: I object to it. Mr. Rosser: A great many object to it – shirkers like yourself. Defendant: I am no shirker. If others had done their duty I would not be where I am now. Mr. Rosser: You will pay 40s. and be handed over to the military. You must do your duty and not try to get out of it.

Solomon was held for a couple of weeks in Cardiff Barracks and then at a court martial on 14 July 1916 was sentenced to 112 days’ hard labour.  After serving his time in Cardiff Prison he was released on 13 October 1916 to the Home Office Scheme.

The high number of conscientious objectors held in prison and scandals arising from the harsh treatment of some COs had led to a government decision to provide an alternative for “absolutists” who refused not only to obey military orders but also to undertake any war-related work. The Brace Committee, named after the eponymous Home Office Under Secretary of State, organised work of ‘national importance’ for men whom a central tribunal found to have a ‘genuine’ conscientious objection.  These work schemes were often poorly organised, with the men living in appalling conditions that amounted to imprisonment and punishment by another name.

Under the Home Office Scheme, Solomon was sent to work at waterworks near Llangadog in Carmarthenshire.  Here his health broke down and he went home to see his doctor.  On 6 January 1917, Llais Llafur reported:

Mr Solomon Shepherd, of the Wern paper stores, who has served four months in a civil prison as a conscientious objector, was home during the early part of the week. He has now accepted alternative service, and is engaged on the Llyn-y-Fan water works. The camp, at which about 80 conscientious objectors are employed, is about a nine mile tramp from the nearest station, Llangadock. 

Solomon was recalled to his unit on 21 January 1917.  He must have ignored the summons as he was arrested again on 23 February 1917.  At a court martial on 24 April 1917 at Kinmel Park Camp near Rhyl he was sentenced to 2 years’ hard labour.

Joseph, the youngest of the three brothers, was an academic high achiever who entered Cardiff University in October 1915 with a John Cory Scholarship worth £25 a year and a Glamorgan Exhibition worth £40 a year. He was arrested in Pontypridd with his brother Isaac on 2 May 1915.  Llais Llafur reported on 6 May 2016:

Isaac Shephard (23) and Joseph Shephard (19), Pontypridd (late of Ystalyfera) were charged at Pontypridd on Tuesday with being absentees under the Military Service Act. Both pleaded not guilty and asked for a remand. Isaac said that he wanted to obtain legal advice, while the younger defendant stated that he held a four years’ scholarship at the University College, Cardiff, and wished to consult the Principal and the Registrar. They were each fined 40s. and ordered to await an escort.

After being held in Garrison Artillery Barracks in Dumfries Place in Cardiff, Joseph was transferred on 10 May 1916 to Kinmel Park Camp. From here, next day, he wrote a letter on behalf of himself and his brother, appealing for help, particularly with respect to the provision of kosher food.

My brother Isaac and I are being kept in the above hut owing to our conscientious objection to all forms – combatant and non-combatant – of military service.  We are the sons of extremely orthodox Jewish parents. Our upbringing has always tended to uncompromising hostility to military service, and we intend, Sir, to be faithful to the Jewish atmosphere which we have always breathed.

After describing their arrest and sentencing in Pontypridd, the letter continues:

The armed escort […] took us to Castle Arcade Recruiting Office, Cardiff. Here in addition to the jeers and abuse that always assail the conscientious objector, we had sneers and threats of a very anti-semitic flavour. Despite all attempts at intimidation (threats to be shot, tortured etc.) we refused to sign anything or be medically examined.

During their nine days of incarceration in the Dumfries Place barracks:

[…] we had no complaints to make about our treatment or our food. We expected to suffer hardship and we must not complain whilst suffering it.  At Cardiff our friends and relatives kept us well supplied with food, a hot kosher dinner being sent in every day. Here we don’t know what to do about dinner; we shall probably have to go without any unless arrangements can be made with the commanding officer […]

 At a court martial in Kinmel Park on 25 May 1916, Joseph was sentenced him to 2 years’ hard labour in Wormwood Scrubs. Alongside his Jewish faith, he also emphasised ILP and NCF membership as his motivation for refusing military service.

The Merthyr Pioneer reported on 10 June 1916 that nine South Walians had been sent from Kinmel Park to Wormwood Scrubs on the same day.

Comrades Percy Pope, Albert Rudall, Arthur J. Hewinson, G. Reynolds, Dorian Herbert, J. H. Davies, Trevor C. Griffiths (all of Newport ILP and NCF Branches), Joseph Shepherd (Pontypridd), and W. T. Jones (Treforest) were on Friday removed from Kinmel Park to Wormwood Scrubbs (sic) to commence their period of two years’ hard labour for “disobeying in such a manner as to show wilful defiance of authority a lawful command given personally by his superior officer in the execution of his office.”

Joseph’s case was eventually reviewed by tribunal on 1 September 1916 and he was released to the Home Office Scheme, which in his case took the form of road mending at Clare in West Suffolk.

The Reluctant Soldiers

Meanwhile Tobias Shepherd’s older sons Moses and Barnet followed a rather different path in their attempts to avoid conscription.  Both had been born in Russia, Moses/Moshe, also known as Moss, in 1877 and Barnet in 1884.  They were not included in Tobias’ British citizenship application in 1904, so technically were ‘aliens’.

When conscription was introduced in 1916 the question arose of what to do with ‘friendly aliens’, especially Russian Jews of military age.  It was first agreed that they would be allowed to join the British Army voluntarily; their failure to do so in any great numbers led to a decision in June 1916, finally implemented in summer 1917, to conscript them on the same terms as British citizens or offer them the chance to return to Russia and join the army there.

Barnet seems to have been first conscripted in 1917 and attempted an appeal on the grounds that he had people dependent on him who would not be able to maintain themselves if he were forced to enlist in the army.  On 12 July 1917, the Amman Valley Chronicle and East Carmarthen News reported a second unsuccessful tribunal hearing.

A meeting of the Carmarthenshire Appeals Tribunal was held at Llandilo (sic) on Thursday… Barnet Shepherd, 24, College Street, Ammanford, came up for a re-hearing, supported by Mr. E. Harries, solicitor, Swansea, who said one of the grounds of application, that he was a Russian subject, would not be gone into, as it was laid down that had nothing to do with the Tribunal.

The Clerk said the applicant was 34 years of age, and Class A. The application was dismissed at the first hearing, and a re- hearing granted.’ He claimed in the first instance that he was not liable for military service, being a Russian subject; secondly, he had a wife and five children, the eldest being nine years old. He had been in his present business twelve years, and had a large stock worth £12,000, which would take a considerable time to dispose of… He was only left himself in the business, and it would be impossible for his wife, being ill, or anyone else to manage the business. […] He was practically the only glazier left in the district. He formerly employed five men, and all were in the Army except one. Three of them were glaziers, and he did the glazing now, besides carrying on the shop. His wife was in a delicate condition of health, and had been suffering for two or three years past. If he were called away his business would have to be closed down, and it would not be possible to re-build it after he came back from the Army. He claimed that this was a case within the decision of the Central Tribunal, being a one-man business, and it was a case of serious domestic hardship. […] 

The appeal was dismissed, applicant not to be called up for a month. 

Barnet did then join the army but at some point, probably after the end of the war, he deserted.  On 21 February 1919 the Carmarthen Journal and South Wales Weekly Advertiser reported:

Bertha Shepherd, wife of Pte. Barnet Shepherd, formerly in business in College Street, Ammanford, was charged under D.O.R.A. (Defence of the Realm Act) with withholding information as to the whereabouts of her husband, who is a deserter from the forces; and further with being an alien she changed her residence without giving notice to the registration officer […] Inspector Davies gave evidence and stated that defendant was a Russian subject. Cross-examined he had nothing direct to prove that the wife’s statements were incorrect. Re-examined he understood from her that she was in touch with her husband. Mr. Griffith, addressing the Bench, said the husband was a Welsh-speaking Jew, while the defendant came from some part of Germany or Russia, and had no friends here, and was not conversant with British law. The Bench found the defendant guilty of a technical offence in changing her residence without notification, and she would be fined the costs, with half-a-guinea advocate’s fee. As regards withholding information there was not sufficient evidence to justify a fine.

Moses/Moshe/Moss Shepherd was also called up in 1917 and again tried to avoid military service, in his case (falsely) on grounds of age.  On 20 April 1918, the Herald of Wales and Monmouthshire Recorder noted:

On 26 January of this year Alfred Moses Shepherd (sic), of Grove Place, Swansea, described as a Russian subject, was sentenced to six months’ imprisonment at Swansea Police Court for making a false declaration in order to evade military service. Shepherd appealed against this sentence, and the appeal came on for hearing before the Recorder at the Swansea Quarter Sessions on Thursday.

Mr. Marlay Samson […] for the respondents […] dealt with the various sections of the Military Service Act. When war broke out Shepherd registered as an alien (Russian), and later in 1917 a Proclamation was made by the King calling upon all Russians of military age to join the Colours. These men could either return to Russia for that purpose or remain in this country and join the British Army. Shepherd, on registering in 1914, had said he was born in January 1879, but on his form of appeal for exemption sent to the Tribunal he said he was 44.  In view of that fact (the army) did not oppose the application, and the Tribunal decided that as he was 44 he was ineligible.

Enquiries were (later) instituted and proceedings were taken as the result of which Shepherd was convicted and sentenced. Evidence was then called. Mr. Llewelyn Williams submitted that when Shepherd stated his age to be 44, any doubt cast on that was a matter for a Court of Summary Jurisdiction to decide. The man had not been called before the Tribunal, and in any case the Tribunal could not decide the question of age. Shepherd adhered today to his statement that he was 44.

The Recorder upheld the conviction, but reduced the sentence from six months to one month.

After serving his sentence, Moses joined the army, serving latterly in the 9th Labour Battalion, which was formed in April 1918 from non-naturalised Russians domiciled in UK.  By that stage, following the October Revolution, Russia was out of the war and considered to be an enemy power. As a result the Russians were kept segregated; probably for fear that they might spread the revolution to Great Britain, with the 9th Battalion being stationed at Fort Scoveston, near Neyland in Pembrokeshire.

Like his younger brother Barnet, Moses also deserted at the end of the war.  On 4 January 1919 Llais Llafur reported:

At Swansea on Monday, Mrs Fanny Shepherd (35) of Grove Place, Swansea, was charged with withholding information in her possession which might reasonably be required to furnish particulars concerning Pte. Moses Alfred Shepherd, “he being a deserter from the Russian Labour Company at Fort Scoveston”, from Detective-Sergt. Gubb on 28 November. Defendant refused to inform Detective-Sergt. Gubb of the whereabouts of her husband, Pte. Moses A. Shepherd. Mr. Edward Harris, for the defence submitted that defendant did not know where her husband was, and that she only had a vague idea of the town in which he was staying. She had stated to the detective, when asked, that she would make inquiries. Pte. Shepherd was granted special Jewish leave in September last, and had never returned. A fine of 40/- was imposed.

The Author

Lily Tobias (née Shepherd) was Tobias Shepherd’s oldest daughter and his first child to be born in Wales. Lily was a committed socialist and began to write short pieces for the influential local socialist newspaper, Llais Llafur, in 1904 when she was in her late teens. She and her sister Kate (mother of the poet Dannie Abse) were both active supporters of the Independent Labour Party.  With her husband Philip (they married in 1911) she was also very involved in the Jewish literary and debating society movement in South Wales.

As a political activist and a writer, Lily fought for female suffrage, the rights of working people and a Jewish national homeland in Palestine.  She, like her younger brother Joseph in particular, held a strong socialist pacifist belief that the First World War was being fought for imperialist interests against the interests of the workers.  Fenner Brockway, editor of the Labour Elector (the newspaper of the ILP) and co-founder of the No-Conscription Fellowship, knew her well. He remembered her in conversation with Leo Abse as “an active and belligerent pacifist… showing great resourcefulness and courage in defying the authorities and assisting draft dodgers, and those in prison”.

Lily’s second novel Eunice Fleet drew on her brothers’ experiences as conscientious objectors to draw a picture of a middle-aged  businesswoman trying to live with the negative reactions of herself and others to her late husband’s stand as a conscientious objector in the First World War.  First published in 1933, it was considered radical at the time, making the suffering of pacifists, rather than the suffering of soldiers, its central concern.

Sources

Details of the tribunals and sentences of the three younger Shepherd brothers are taken from the Conscientious Objector Register to be found at https://livesofthefirstworldwar.org/

All newspaper sources quoted can be found in the National Library of Wales digitised database http://newspapers.library.wales/home

Information about Lily Tobias, as well as Joseph Shepherd’s letter to his family from May 1916, is taken from Jasmine Donahaye: The Greatest Need: the creative life and troubled times of Lily Tobias, a Welsh Jew in Palestine  (Honno, Dinas Powys, 2015).

The story of E. P. Jones, Pontypridd

By Aled Eurig 

From a Pontypridd family, E.P. Jones objected to war on religious grounds. As a Christian, he believed that war of any kind was wrong, and that no-one had the right to kill their fellow human beings just because they were of a different nationality, or because your government told you to do so. He belonged to the No-Conscription Fellowship (an organisation that encouraged men to refuse war service) and the Fellowship of Reconciliation (a peace group) – but stressed that his stance as a conscientious objector was taken as an individual.

After refusing to serve (in 1915, at the age of 25) E.P. Jones’ story follows a pattern that was typical of conscientious objectors in World War 1: they would appear before a tribunal, then be sent to prison when they refused to serve, then back in front of a tribunal, and back to prison. This was called the ‘cat and mouse’ treatment. He served terms in Caernarfon, Wormwood Scrubs and Walton (Liverpool).

Eventually E.P. Jones was released to do ‘work of national importance’. This involved building a reservoir above the village of Llannon (Carmarthenshire). The work camp was in a very remote location, and the Llanelly Chronicle reported that the men spent their time ‘up on the bleak top of the hill’. E.P. Jones himself described the work as hard, fit for a ‘qualified navvy’. Some of the camp guards were cruel and unjust: one objector, Frank Davenport, was sent back to prison for refusing to go to work in a snowstorm, whilst another fled back to prison because of the ‘callous neglect’ he had suffered in the camp.

This contrasted sharply to the welcome that the COs received from the local community. In the words of E. P. Jones:

The Tumble was special like that. You would go for tea with them on Sunday, and everyone, every denomination, was kind with everything; they let us borrow books from the library. You could not get more kindness.”

Once a month E.P. Jones was allowed home for the weekend. He was disappointed by the way he was treated by the ‘important people’ (the elders and the deacons) in his chapel: they were very cold towards him, some refused to look at him or speak to him.